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Can architecture be a form of resistance?

jj June 9th, 2012

Thomas de Monchaux:

Toward a Dissident Architecture?

The Pritzker Prize, architecture’s would-be Nobel since 1979, generally takes on one of two assignments. The first, as with past winners Zaha Hadid, Norman Foster, Richard Meier, and Rem Koolhaas, is to confirm the status of long-established starchitects, and thereby also to affirm a certain popular enthusiasm about what architecture is and does. The second, somewhat more polemically, is to direct overdue attention to figures who by choice or by circumstance have mastered some geographical or discursive margin. Among them are past recipients Sverre Fehn, Glen Murcutt, Paolo Mendes de Rocha, and Eduardo Souto de Moura—all of whom adamantly mine seams that are distinct, narrow and deep.

This year’s selection of Wang Shu is something different. Wang is 48 (“young for an architect,” as the citation endearingly puts it) with a smallish body of work, albeit featuring biggish buildings, produced over only about a decade. His practice—Amateur Architecture Studio, founded with his wife Lu Wenyu in 1997—is based in Hangzhou, China, and his education was at the Nanjing Institute of Technology. That’s not the usual transatlantic résumé. Yet Wang’s work, whatever else it may be, does not belong to any margin, but is situated, in form and context, at a 21st-century center of wealth and power.

When a prize like a Nobel or a Pritzker isn’t an invitation to a victory lap or an effort to empower an ongoing mission, it’s an expression of hope, a question mark more than an exclamation point. The question posed by Wang’s Pritzker selection could be articulated like this: If you provide a particularly humane or humanist built environment within the context of occasionally inhumane political or economic conditions, to what extent are you reinforcing or resisting those conditions? Are you offering a tangible alternative or a mere respite? The answers aren’t easy, but the questions are necessary. “Architecture or Revolution” was the attention-grabbing title of an essay in Corbusier’s epochal Toward an Architecture (1926). The revolution in question was Industrial, but the drift of Corbusier’s argument was that through the correct deployment of high-tech materials and contemporary manufacturing procedures, architects could avert or divert the spiritual or social discord that result from technological change so that “revolution can be avoided.” There’s much that’s slippery in Corbusier’s own framing of the question—elsewhere in the very same essay he evokes “the modern era, gleaming and radiant . . . on the other side of the barricades”—but his phrase reinforces the necessity of asking whether any architecture’s contribution is substantially palliative or transformative.

Wang received his Pritzker medal on May 25th, in a ceremony at the Great Hall of the People on Beijing’s Tiananmen Square. The complex, built in 1959, has a giganticism (some 1,850,000 square feet) and regionally inflected, stripped-down classicism that make it a commanding but unsubtle setting for the occasion.

That vast building famously took only a year to complete. Size and speed continue to be the story of China’s built environment, as well as the story of its economy as a whole. If architectural production can be measured in cubic feet of reinforced concrete, then more architecture is being manufactured today in China than anywhere else, now or ever. The scale and developmental pace of China’s new cities has diminished and displaced familiar understandings of the cosmopolitan and metropolitan. At a moment of acute global urbanization, when half of the world’s seven billion people (and a projected eight of nine billion by mid-century) live in cities, Wang’s Pritzker calls all architects to their daunting duty, in the coming years, to address this profound change in how we live.

Wang’s own buildings show big thinking and fine detailing. His 2004–07 Ningbo History Museum in Hangzhou especially appears to capture that strange combination of near-geological inevitability and willful felicity (in details like exterior wall planes that fold inward and outward toward the roof, simultaneously stabilizing and destabilizing conventional structural readings) that characterizes masterful design. Wang’s body of work, to the extent it’s comprehensible from the usual published images and descriptions, comes across as thoughtful and beautiful, and not unfamiliar in its techniques and formal vocabularies. There’s a pattern of irregular rectangular perforations proceeding Tetris-like across a façade, independent of interior floor levels, complicating readings of scale and function (as at the Ningbo Museum and the 2007 China Academy of Art Xiangshan Campus, also in Hangzhou), which has also been a signature feature of the work of Steven Holl and Thom Mayne. There’s the pairing of surprisingly dainty cladding and intricately textured masonry with a brooding formal mass (as at the Ningbo Museum), creating a play of lightness against heaviness that has been brought to an airless perfection by Peter Zumthor. There’s the robust blending of glassy, white-wall modernism with vernacular forms and details (as in the 1999 Wenzheng College library in Suzhou), which Alvaro Siza has made an admirable career of.

A significant counterbalance to this participation in modernist idioms, universal solutions and international styles comes from Wang’s distinctive material practice. “I think the material is not just about materials,” Wang recently told the New York Times. “Inside it has the people’s experience [and] memory.” The Xiangshang campus features some two million tiles reclaimed from demolished traditional houses. The Ningbo museum also deploys this kind of spolia, literally and perhaps also figuratively, in its formal evocation of sedimentation and fracture. The Pritzker jury’s citation picked out this material aspect: “[Wang] is able to send several messages on the careful use of resources and respect for tradition and context as well as give a frank appraisal of technology and the quality of construction today, particularly in China.”

One possible message of such careful use of resources is about reconfiguring the usual working relations between architects and builders. When you use old materials, which are irregular in ways that conventionally prescriptive design cannot anticipate, you require a cascade of onsite trial-and-error improvisations, inviting collaboration with the people actually building the project—workers whose knowledge of those materials’ vernacular uses may generate something spectacularly new. The result, in the words of the Pritzker jury’s citation, “sometimes has an element of unpredictability, which in [Wang’s] case gives the buildings a freshness and a spontaneity.” These qualities are remarkable and rare in the relentlessly foreseeable process of architectural construction, especially in the centrally planned development typical of China and increasingly envied and emulated elsewhere.

In the kind of rapid development we see in China, architecture as understood by architects can be seen as a nicety, not a necessity. It may be that, in such a context, Wang’s most instrumental building to date is his least precious: the Vertical Courtyard Apartments in Hangzhou, produced between 2002 and 2007. With an articulated plane that folds up and across the building’s façade and section, and slight alternating rotations to every other floor plate through that section, the building reads more like a stack of house-sized objects than a seamless monolith. In a recent interview with the Architect’s Newspaper, Wang recalled, “I wanted even those people living 30 meters high to still feel like they were living in a small house where they could live around a small courtyard and plant their own trees. From below they can tell people on the ground that ‘those are my trees and that’s my house.’ It provides an identity for people to feel like it’s their own house. It’s more than just blank windows in apartment buildings that can’t separate neighborhoods. It’s a basic right for people.”

What is the relationship between architecture and people’s basic rights? By the standards of human rights held to be universal by those who believe in them, much of what prevails in China falls short. What are the possibilities and responsibilities of design in such a context? We can see, perhaps latently, one possible answer in the language the Pritzker citation uses to describe Wang’s work: “frank,” “collaborative,” “message-sending,” “unpredictable,” “careful,” “spontaneous,” “responsible”—these are all qualities that one would want in, say, the lively and free citizenry of a functional democratic republic.

Whether or not you conclude that Wang’s work embodies such qualities, or prompts them among its users, the jury’s language enables something in addition to the usual ritual of aesthetic appreciation, namely a debate about the possibility of being a dissident architect. Dissidence as an aspect of creative practice would seem to depend on at least two qualities, unpredictability and mobility, that are beyond architecture’s usual abilities. Buildings can be unmade, but not made, overnight. They require elaborate representation before they actually exist, complicating the elements of surprise with which the powerless can perplex the powerful. Buildings cannot be produced in secrecy and then displaced to some freer setting in which they might be more instrumental. They require infrastructure (and patronage). And yet, conversely, they are themselves a kind of necessary infrastructure: unlike other media in which dissident practitioners might work, the built environment has a peculiar immunity to censorship. Regardless of how much Architecture there is to be found in them, you can’t stop buildings: it’s as if people actually needed to live inside movies or poems. And if you believe that the built environment is capable of influencing the events it witnesses, then small interventions in the characteristics of those inevitable buildings, or one offbeat building at the scale of an entire city’s rhythm, can have widespread and uncannily influential effects downstream.

One of the vital contributions of the notable architect (and longtime Pritzker candidate) Peter Eisenman, informed by his conception of the architect as a public intellectual, is the notion of a critical practice. In Eisenman’s case, that intense criticality has been mostly internal to architectural discourse and production, expressed in formal raptures and ruptures (as in a famous early house that expressed its own Cartesian matrix and conceptual syntax as a series of actual physical incisions through its walls and floors, even straight down the middle of the master bedroom). What would constitute an architecture whose cultural or social, economic or political criticality goes beyond intricate and intimate self-reference? In singling out the work of Wang Shu, the Pritzker jury may have started a conversation about what, within any architectural practice, would materialize such an ambition.

Image: Wang Shu’s Ningbo History Museum. Photo by Iwan Baan, via archdaily.com.

Resistance Studies Seminar: Skolan som en arena för motstånd

Stellan Vinthagen November 24th, 2011

Alla intresserade är välkomna till Motståndsseminarium torsdag den 8 dec 2011.

Sven-Eric Liedman, pensionerad professor i idéhistoria ger ett motståndsseminarium på Annedalsseminariet, Institutionen för Globala Studier, Campus Linné, www.globalstudies.gu.se i Sal 220, kl 15:15-17.00. Som vanligt så samlas vi på Gyllene Prag för en bit mat och fortsatta samtal efteråt.

Titel: “Skolan som en arena för motstånd”
Skolsystemet från förskola till universitet är alltid en plats för ständigt kämpande intressen. Just nu styr kravet på att skolan ska förbereda unga människor för en snabb och gränslös marknad, där effektivitet är nyckelordet. Det väsentliga blir då kunskaper i sådant som betraktas som viktigt för ett marknadsliv: matematik, språk, framför allt engelska, men också vad som kallas social kompetens. Begreppet “social kompetens” är värt en särskild eftertanke. Det betecknar i allmänhet en förmåga att umgås med andra människor, vara inkännande men inte kravlös. Men lätt insmyger sig också en nyans av medgörlighet, framför allt den underordnades medgörlighet och kritiklöshet gentemot den överordnade, den anställdes gentemot företaget eller institutionen. Social kompetens kan i så fall urata till kritiklöshet.

För egen del kämpar jag för en skola, och i mitt fall framför allt ett universitet, där ifrågasättandet är i högsätet. Orättvisor på nära håll liksom i ett världsperspektiv kommer då i fokus. Den tilltagande segregationen också i ett land som Sverige måste komma i fokus, liksom givetvis hela den globala snedfördelningen (det hör ju till saken att världen i dag finns i Sverige på ett annat sätt än för femtio år sen). En avgöraned aspekt av detta är också hushållningen med naturens resurser. Det måste inskärpas att människan redan genom sin egen kropp är en del av naturen.

Det betyder inte alls att matematik eller engelska eller några andra skolämnen blir mindre viktiga. Det betyder att attityden till både kunskap och omvärld förändras. Det gäller inte att smälta in utan att få en kritisk inställning till den dominerande utvecklingen.

Resistance Studies Seminars, Gothenburg, Fall Schedule 2011

Stellan Vinthagen September 15th, 2011

Welcome to the new schedule for resistance studies seminars at Gothenburg university!

We are this semester, as before, offering a meeting place for critical discussions on resistance, from various perspectives and by different seminar presenters. Everyone that is interested in critical discussions on resistance is welcome: researchers, students, activists, journalists, authors, or others that find the themes interesting.The seminars are at Campus Linné, see a map at www.globalstudies.gu.se or directly at this link.

If you want to get regular emails about the coming program of seminars, let our seminar organizer Per Ström know you are interested: email (without the spaces between letters) per. strom @ yahoo. se

We start early with an extra seminar already on September 22 with Professor Evelina Dagnino, from Campinas University, Brazil on “Civil society: theoretical challenges and practical dilemmas from a Latin American perspective”. Seminar is in English. Thursday 15:15-17 at the A-building in room A-206 (see map). The seminar is organized with the help of Associate Professor Edmé Dominguez at School of Global Studies. If you have questions about this seminar, please email directly to Edmé: edme. dominguez @ globalstudies. gu. se

September 29 with Paul Routledge, Reader at University of Glasgow. He will talk on “Climate Justice as Alterhegemony: The Case of the landless movement in Bangladesh”. Seminar is in English. Thursday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalsseminariet (Room 303).

September 27 with Irene Molina, Docent i kulturgeografi, Uppsala Universitet och medlem i ArA, Föreningen Antitrasistiska akademin. “Förorten och det symboliska politiska våldet”. Seminar are in Swedish. Tuesday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalseminariet at Room 303.

October 13 with Ramzi Abdou, Palestinian Youth Activist, Student in Political science from Gaza University. United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East “UNRWA” in GAZA. “Culture of Resistance vs. Defeat”. Seminar are in English. Thursday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalseminariet at Room 303.

October 27 with Mathias Wåg, Redaktör för antologin I stundens hetta och ansvarig utgivare för tidningen Brand. “I stundens hetta – Svarta block, vita overaller och osynliga partier”. Seminar are in Swedish. Thursday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalseminariet at Room 419.

November 10 with Paulina de los Reyes, professor i ekonomisk historia och verksam vid Ekonomisk Historiska Institutionen, Stockholms Universitet. “Intersektionalitet, makt och motstånd”. Seminar are in Swedish. Thursday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalseminariet at Room 303.

November 24 with Elin Andersson, aktivist och freelansjournalist. “Är det verkligen fred vi vill ha? – om risken för ett nytt krig om ockuperade Västsahara”. Seminar are in English or possible Swedish. Thursday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalseminariet at Room 303.

December 8 with Sven-Eric Liedman, professor i Idé- och lärdomshistoria vid Göteborgs Universitet. “Hets – marknadsliberala skola med konservativa ideal”. Seminar are in Swedish. Thursday 15:15-17.00 at the Annedalseminariet, hörsal.

Resistance Studies Magazine back again! Call for Papers

jj July 29th, 2011

The Resistance Studies Magazine is a peer-reviewed, on-line, and open-access magazine for the studies of resistance and social change (http://rsmag.org/)

We are back after a break and will have a relaunch this fall. We will continue to be a peer-reviewed journal and we have an expanded editorial board.

After a first selection by the editor all articles we want to include will be sent anonymous to at least two reviewers for comments and advise.

We will consider:

- Theoretical and empirical articles on power, resistance and social change.

- Reviews of scholarly articles and books.

Articles submitted before September 1. will be included in the process for texts to be published in our October issue. We accept manuscripts in Word, Open Office or .rtf formats and ask contributors to read the guidelines for submissions here: http://rsmag.org/?page_id=15

For submissions and drafts, please use the following e-mail address: editor (at) rsmag (dot) org

Yours sincerely

Jørgen Johansen

Please help us to let this call be distributed to all relevant individuals, networks, and institutions.


————————————————-
Resistance Studies Magazine

http://rsmag.org/

Editor: Jørgen Johansen
Cellphone: +46 761481011
Office: +46 534 30123
Skype: jj_ahimsa
e-mail: editor (at) rsmag (dot) org
snail mail: J. Johansen, Sparsnas 1010, 66891 Ed, Sweden

Resistance Within the Army: Israeli Soldiers Tell About “Breaking the Silence”

Stellan Vinthagen March 7th, 2011

Extra Resistance Studies Seminar, School of Global Studies
Monday March 14th 10-12, Annedalsseminariet Room 419
www.globalstudies.gu.se

When telling the truth about war and  occupation is unwanted and even hindered, documenting and telling the truth might be understood as resistance to a discourse of justification. The Israeli organisation Breaking the Silence consist of Israeli soldiers that tells about how it is to serve in the occupied Palestinian territories. During seven years they have collected witness reports from soldiers. The witness reports tells about the work assignments given and gives a picture of the everyday as a soldier, a picture that is far from the Israeli PR-version. Breaking the Silence does a controversial work, trying to serve the public understanding of what a war, an occupation and a life of a soldier is, and tell about the consequences this have for Israelis and Palestinians. One of the founders of the organisation, Yehuda Shaul, tells about the work, shows a film and gives witness from the Gaza-war during the winter 2008-2009.

Belgian senator calls on ’sex strike’ until political deadlock is broken

jj February 9th, 2011

From The Telegraph

A female Belgian senator has called on the wives of all politicians to ban sexual intercourse until deadlock that has left Belgium without a government for 241 days, has been broken.

Mrs Temmerman urged 'the spouses of all negotiators to withhold sex until a deal is reached'

Mrs Temmerman urged 'the spouses of all negotiators to withhold sex until a deal is reached'

Marleen Temmerman, a Socialist senator, has urged the bed partners of MPs, senators and party political leaders to keep their “legs closed” until the deadlock, which is closing in on a world record of 249 days, is ended.

“I call on the spouses of all negotiators to withhold sex until a deal is reached,” she said. “Have no more sex until the new administration is posing on the steps of the palace.”

Belgium has been without a government since May 2010 after splits between Flemish, Dutch-speaking, and Walloon, francophone, political parties precipitated early elections.

The vote, last June, deepened the crisis after a majority of voters in Flanders, the richer Dutch-speaking north of Belgium, supported Flemish separatists who call for the break-up of the Belgian state.

Talks have remained deadlocked and many Belgians fear that market turmoil could bring down their highly indebted country if it fails to end the crisis by Feb 17, when it will beat war-torn Iraq to set a new world record of more than 249 days without government.

Mrs Temmerman has pointed to Kenya in 2009 when women’s movements called for a general sex strike after a conflict between the Kenyan president and prime minister threatened to plunge the country into chaos.

“They decided to have a sex strike to enforce a political solution and called on the first lady and wife of the prime minister to participate in this physical abstinence,” she said.

“Kenyan prostitutes were offered financial compensation if they showed sisterly solidarity and participated in the sex strike. The impact has never been scientifically proven, but after just one week there was a stable government.”

Catherine Fonck, a Christian democrat senator, rejected the call.

“I don’t want to take part in a sex strike,” she said. “Politicians are not there to strike, on the contrary, politicians are there arouse the country.”

Anarkism

Charlotte Hede October 21st, 2010

Anarkism ur grekiskans an archos ung. ”utan härskare”. Ideologin bakom anarkismen är liksom själva ordet antyder, viljan och önskan om att avskaffa den statliga överheten, inte främmande för anarkisten med revolutionära metoder. Därmed inte sagt, vilket inte helt ovanligen anarkister beskylls för, utan en uppföljande konkret realitet. Det slutgiltiga målet för anarkisten är alltså inte en likställdhet mellan anarki och kaos.

Det finns flera inriktningar inom anarkismen, generellt gällande kan dock anföras vara att anarkisten eftersträvar ett samhälle vertikalt strukturerat till skillnad från den horisontella – hierarkiska struktur vilken idag råder liksom är normgivande.

En fundamental grundsten inom anarkismen är det s.k. naturtillståndet, d.v.s. det tillstånd med frånvaro av den av oss skapade staten. Ett samhälle där fullkomlig frihet råder, dock finns här yttre begränsningar formulerade, exempelvis såsom att ”ingen bör skada någon annan till liv, hälsa, frihet eller egendom”.

En av anarkismens främsta var ryssen Michail Bakunin, revolutionär tänkare under 1800- talet, vilken förde fram tesen ”Lusten till förstörelse är också skapande lust!”. Tilläggas kan att Bakunin tillbringade flera år i fängelse p.g.a. sina våldsamma försök till revolter i Ryssland.

Under 2000- talet har anarkismen kommit i allt starkare fokus främst p.g.a. den ungdomsbaserade rörelsen AFA (anti-fascistisk aktion), vilka också starkt kopplas till djurrättsliga frågor.

Källor: Färm, Göran; Politiska ideologier En liten bok om stora idéer, Bilda Förlag, 2007.

Nozick, Robert; Anarki, Stat och Utopi, Timbro Förlag, 2001.

Resistance against the illegal Israeli blockade of Gaza

Stellan Vinthagen May 24th, 2010

Right now a “Freedom Flotilla” is getting prepared to bring more than 8 ships, 5 000 ton of humanitarian aid and 600+ participants from 50 countries to break the illegal blockade of Gaza. They are bringing pre-built houses, cement, medical equipment and a lot of other things that Israel refuses to let the people of Gaza to get. Since 3 years Gaza has been turned into the world’s largest outdoor prison, living in a politically created humanitarian crisis. Different UN agencies are demanding Israel to end the blockade, still it doesn’t happen. A coalition of European and International organizations have decided to do practical solidarity work, and break the blockade themselves. It is a project of people-to-people solidarity, a sign of how people push governments to act and take responsibility. At the end of the week the ships are expected to reach the water of Gaza. The Freedom Flotilla is welcomed by the Palestinians and the organizations (independent from political fractions) that are in contact with the flotilla is waiting to take over the aid: the Palestinian NGO-network (PNGO) and the Red Cross/Crescent.  But Israel has threatened with the use of violent force from the Navy and the Air Force, even with right-wing Sionists that want to sail out and meet the flotilla and stop it. If they do it is nothing else than piracy. The Freedom Flotilla will not pass Israeli waters and there is an internationally recognized right to sail on international waters, something not even Israel has the right to break.

The drama of the Freedom Flotilla vs. Israeli Occupation Forces will continue. Follow the drama on the websites that gives updates by the hour.

http://shiptogazase.blogspot.com/

http://www.shiptogaza.se/

http://www.shiptogaza.gr/Other-Languages/English

http://witnessgaza.com/

http://eddamanga.blogg.se/index.html

http://savegaza.eu/eng/

http://shiptogazasweden.wordpress.com/

http://www.gazaboatconvoy.co.uk/index.html

http://www.ihh.org.tr/13572/en/

http://www.ihh.org.tr/filistin/en/

http://shiptogazamalmo.wordpress.com/

Svenska motståndsrörelsen – en motståndsrörelse?

Hanna Kalldin May 11th, 2010

Inledning

Det är väldigt lätt att romantisera motståndsrörelser. Vi ser framför oss människor med fanor och knutna nävar som tillsammans kämpar för rättvisa, jämställdhet, en annan värld! Vi vill så gärna tro att all förändring måste vara en bra förändring. Men vad händer om den här ”nya världen” innebär förtryck, inskränkthet och att stänga ute människor? Om målet med rörelsen är att ” bekämpa mångkulturen och att ” alla icke-assimilerbara flyktingar ska skickas hem”[1]. Därför ville jag ta reda på mer om den grupp som kallar sig den Svenska motståndsrörelsen.

Historia

Svenska Motståndsrörelsen (SMR) bildades i mitten av 1990-talet av Klas Lund, tidigare en av grundarna till VAM, Vitt Ariskt Motstånd. Lund är flerfaldigt dömd för flera grova brott, bland annat rån och dråp.[2] Magnus Söderman och Per Öberg är andra högt framstående i Motståndsrörelsens ledning.[3]

SMR bekänner sig själva till den nationalsocialistiska världsåskådningen. De beskriver sin rörelse med de här orden:

Motståndsrörelsen kämpar för att skapa ett fritt och enat Norden. Vi kämpar för att skapa en nordisk nationalsocialistisk republik bestående av de nordiska länderna Sverige, Finland, Norge, Danmark, Island och eventuellt även de baltiska länderna.”[4]

2003 slog sig den Svenska motståndsrörelsen sig ihop med den norska motsvarigheten Den Norske motstandsbevegelsen. Rörelsen blev nu ännu mer militant i sin framtoning. [5]

År 2006 lades Svenska motståndsrörelsens ungdomsgren Nationell Ungdom ner, detta till mestadels på grund av för lite folk i rörelsen.[6]

Mål

SMR är tveklöst nazistiska i de mål de har i sin rörelse. Mångkulturen ska bekämpas, svenska folket ska skyddas ”från övergrepp av främmande ligor” och SMR ska hindra exploatering av folk och land. I SMR:s webbshop kan man köpa böcker som Ras – den avgörande frågan och Sionismen – det dolda fötrycket.[7]

Deras arbete ska också i framtiden leda till att en nationell regering etableras[8], de tror alltså på ett partipolitiskt styre men sätter inte så mycket till övers för dagens demokrati därför väntar de med att ställa upp i val. [9]

Aktioner

SMR arbetar mycket med propagandaspridning, att genom flygblad och demonstrationer få ut rörelsens syn på politik, orättvisor och samhället i stort[10]. I augusti 2009 hade SMR en uppmärksammad kampanj där de hängde ut pedofiler med fullständiga personuppgifter för att ”informera för föräldrar i närområdet”.[11]

Medlemmar

Vilka människor söker sig då till den här rörelsen? Och vilka människor söker rörelsen?

”Alla människor av ariskt europeiskt ursprung, dvs. de som kan bedömas vara medlemmar av den vita rasen, är välkomna som medlemmar, så länge de inte verkar för främmande (utomnordiska) intressen eller ideal.”

Det finns två olika grupper av medlemmar i SMR, aktivister och stödmedlemmar. För att få vara med som aktivist måste du betala en avgift på 10 % av din inkomst till rörelsen, men många gånger betalar medlemmarna mer än så. För att vara stödmedlem betalar du 300 kronor eller 500 kronor om året beroende på om du är studerande eller arbetslös alternativt har ett jobb. [12]

Avslutning

Visst är Svenska motståndsrörelsen just en motståndsrörelse. De sätter sig nästan emot allt som finns i det samhälle de lever i. Hela samhället bygger på ett system de är emot och överallt finns fienden. De har också en väldigt klar bild över hur de vill att deras samhälle ska vara och de vet att deras kamp dit måste bli kompromisslös och radikal.

Som att lägga lappar med nazistiskt budskap i folks brevlådor till exempel…


[1] http://patriot.nu/punkter.asp (2010-03-16)

[2]Mölndals-Posten 2010-02-03 page: 8

[3] http://www.tv8play.se/play/21816

[4] http://www.patriot.nu/artikel.asp?artikelID=1401 (2010-03-15)

[5] http://www.expo.se/research_smr.html & http://207.226.250.242/index.asp (2010-03-16)

[6] http://www.expo.se/research_smr.html (2010-03-15)

[7] http://www.kampboden.se/index.html (2010-03-17)

[8] http://www.patriot.nu/punkter.asp (2010-03-22)

[9] http://www.patriot.nu/visa_ett_fragsvar.asp?fragID=6 (2010-03-22

[10] www.patriot.nu (2010-03-22)

[11] http://www.svd.se/nyheter/inrikes/mikael-skillt-svenska-motstandsrorelsen-fler-pedofiler-ska-hangas-ut_3549355.svd

[12] http://www.patriot.nu/motstandsrorelsen.asp (2010-04-05)

The real IRA

San Jansson April 21st, 2010

The real IRA (RIRA) is a socialist republican guerilla group that was formed by hardliners who broke out of the provisional IRA when it was clear that the provisionals would go along with the good Friday agreement and subsequently call a ceasefire with the northern Ireland Unionists. (http://irelandsown.net/RIRA.html) The agreement was signed in Belfast in April 1998 and is also referred to as the Belfast Agreement. (http://www.bbc.co.uk/ahistoryoftheworld/objects/nRGYmfUhR1CNZAwL-4DkTw).

The real IRA uses bombs and arms to attack economic and strategic human targets in Britain and northern Ireland in order to disrupt the peace process. The RIRA view the PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland) as an integral section of the British Crown Forces and its war machine in Ireland.

On august 15 1998 a bomb detonated in the city center of the Northern Irish town of Omagh. 29 people were killed and 100-300 people were injured (reports vary). The devastating attack was probably a mistake, the target for the bombs was probably supposed to be the courthouse of Omagh targeted as a symbolic target. The courthouse is an economic, administrative, legal, and military center and an attack against it could be identified as an attack on the British presence and rule as a whole.
(http://pdfserve.informaworld.com.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/273597_731377804_713854549.pdf p.9)

The Attack in Omagh resulted in a big loss of popular support for the RIRA. The bomb was widely condemned and caused hostility from Sinn Fein leaders Martin McGuinness and Gerry Adams.

RIRA has also been behind several other attacks including the car bombing of BBC Television Center in west London in June 2001 and the shooting of two soldiers at
Massereene army base in 2009. (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk_news/northern_ireland/7934742.stm )

In 2003 Damien Okado-Gough, a reporter for the Derry-based Channel 9 TV news wrote 16 questions for the RIRA. The written reply was received in January 2003 and contains some answers about the RIRA, their goals and the methods of their struggle. Their ultimate objective is the re-establishment of the Republic and they are not interested in discussing the future and their military strategy because it would be self defeating for any guerilla to do so.

”We remain convinced that no just and final political settlement can be arrived at between the Irish people and the people of Britain and between the Nationalist and the Unionist communities until the British military and political presence is totally removed from the equation. It is also important to point out that the political package enshrined in the Belfast agreement had to be acceptable to and ratified by an external political power i.e. the British Government before it was even presented to the Irish people. We regard this as a blatant usurpation of the right of the Irish people to self-determination.”
(http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/organ/ira/rira280103.htm)

The RIRA belives that it is every Irish persons right to use arms against foreign invaders to claim their independence. The Provisional IRA has claimed that the RIRA have ‘little or no support bas” Their Answer to this question was ”No guerilla can exist without a support base – ours is considerable, certainly sufficient, principled and politically aware. The disillusionment felt in relation to the present political path of the Provisional leadership is clearly evident in the sharp decline in those registering to vote in certain constituencies” They also say that they belive the provisionals ”have gone from revolutionary Republicanism to constitutionalism Nationalism and will eventually take their seats in Westminster.”
(http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/organ/ira/rira280103.htm)

Disobedience

Salome Pawlowski April 15th, 2010

In resistance studies, the term disobedience is frequently used to describe the refusal or failure to obey in civil society. There are different forms of disobedience in human society, for example civil disobedience and collective disobedience. I chose to closer examine the term civil disobedience and when and why it occurs.

Henry David Thoreau defies “civil disobedience” as “a group’s refusal to obey a law because they believe the law is immoral (as in protest against discrimination)”. It’s actually a part of his famous essay “Civil Disobedience (Resistance to Civil Government)” first published in 1849. This definition is one of the earliest and it is used by the Princeton University Wordnet dictionary. (http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=civil%20disobedience)

On Wikipedia.org states: “Civil disobedience is the active refusal to obey certain laws, demands and commands of a government, or of an occupying power, without resorting to physical violence. It is one of the primary tactics of nonviolent resistance.” It fails to state the reference. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_disobedience)

On the net you come across several definitions, for example: United Fork Workers Union, the farm worker movement in USA, states that civil disobedience is “The decision to break specific laws because they are unjust.” It’s also said on the page that “this tactic of nonviolence was used by the civil rights and farmworker movements to bring about social change.” (http://www.farmworkermovement.org/essays/glossary.shtml)

Bioscience-Bioethics Friendship Co-operative belonging to the Maquarie University in Sydney use the UNESCO/IUBS/EUBIOS Bioethics Dictionary definition that refers to civil disobedience as “An individual or community action which, although is in violation of the law, acts as an expression of personal or ideological values and a democratic plea for legal change. Examples include ‘Reclaim the Streets’ for pedestrians and the ‘Mardi Grass’ for advocates of pot decriminalization. (See Critical mass, Reclaim mass, Reclaim the streets, Mardi Grass, Activism, Nonviolent direct action) (MP)” (http://www.bioscience-bioethics.org/c.htm)

Fasttrackteaching.com writes: “the deliberate breaking of a law in order to draw public attention and debate to a cause or issue. Civil rights activists working with Rev. Martin Luther King often used this approach to challenge segregation. King defended such actions as justified, provided that those challenging the law do so “lovingly” and with a willingness to accept the penalty. Critics, however, said that using the tactic tended to weaken the basic principle that citizens have a duty to obey laws until they can be changed through legal processes.” (http://www.fasttrackteaching.com/termsmodern.html)

To summon it up we can say that civil disobedience is distinguished by a non-violent resistance to unfair laws, a sort of rebellion or protest to an unjust governmental rule. One do not have to physically fight governmental rule as many may suppose but can simply refuse or fail to support it. An unsupported government lacking the very thing that keeps it alive, legitimacy, will soon fall apart. Spokesmen of civil disobedience can be exemplified by persons like Mahatma Gandhi in British India, Nelson Mandela in South Africa, Martin Luther King in the USA and Lech Wa??sa in Poland.

References:

Literature:

Eriksson, Leif; Hettne, Björn (red.) 2001 ”Makt och internationella relationer” Lund, Studentlitteratur

Karlsson, Svante 4:e uppl. 2008 “Freds- och konflikthantering” Holmbergs Malmö AB, Studentlitteratur

Internet:

Princeton University, Wordnet Dictionary http://wordnetweb.princeton.edu/perl/webwn?s=civil%20disobedience

Wikipedia.org http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_disobedience

United Farm Worker Union http://www.farmworkermovement.org/essays/glossary.shtml

Maquarie University, UNESCO/IUBS/EUBIOS Bioethics Dictionary http://www.bioscience-bioethics.org/c.htm

Fasttrackteaching.com http://www.fasttrackteaching.com/termsmodern.html

FARC-EP

Salome Pawlowski April 15th, 2010

The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army, shortening FARC or FARC-EP, is a guerilla organization formed 1964 as an opposition to imperialist rule in Colombia (including US influence), that pursue Marxist-Leninist ideology and the rule of the marginalized. As it formed in 1964 in the aftermath of struggles known as La Violencia it was a military wing of the Colombian Communist Party. The organization is highly involved in the ongoing Colombian armed conflict being one of the largest, counting from an estimated 11 000 members to 18 000 members depending on the source, and one of the oldest insurgency groups in the Americas. The struggle between FARC-EP and the Colombian government has now been going on for 46-years and although the leaders of both the government and the guerilla organization has changed over the years, the conflict between them stays put, as do their ideological differences. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FARC)

The FARC-EP was founded by late Jacobo Arenas and his fellow companion Manuel Marulanda (aka Tirofijo) and is governed by a secretariat that was supposedly led by Manuel Marulanda himself to his death in march 2008, today overtaken by ‘Alfonso Cano’ and six others including senior military commander Jorge Briceno (aka Mono Jojoy). (http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/farc.htm) The FARC-EP is organized according to military standards having several urban fronts around the country and is known to have sent fighters for military training to Vietnam and the Soviet Union in the 1980’s and had IRA members come to train their fighters between 1998 and 2001. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FARC)

After the murder of populist president Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948 the struggle between supporters of the Colombian Liberal Party and the Colombian Conservative Party escalated into civil war known as La Violencia, lasting a decade. The power in Colombia was seized by a military government 1953 led by General Gustavo Rojas. In an attempt to demobilize former fighters the new government offered former insurgency groups amnesty in exchange, a strategy that didn’t appeal to some radical liberal and communist guerilla groups, resulting in refusal. These groups retreated instead to more isolated areas of the country where they organized their own communities and continued to operate. Suffering attacks the Colombian Communist Party choose to send Jacobo Arenas as a political activist to help organize existing self-defense amongst the guerillas and assist the organization of guerilla units into a rural enclave. Civilian rule in Colombia was restored in 1958 as the former government and moderate Conservatives and Liberals joined in a coalition called the National Front. By 1970 a new president, Misael Pastrana, was elected. At this time armed self-defense groups and communist had organized their own local governments in remote parts of the country. With growing influence they were considered a threat to the rule of the government and the Colombian National Army was ordered to take full control of the concerned areas. The communist answered by reorganizing as “the Southern Bloc”, rename itself “Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia” (FARC) in 1964 and selecting Jacobo Arenas and Manuel Marulanda as their top leaders. By 1982 and the increased income from the “coca boom”, the guerilla expanded into a irregular army and went from moving close to rural areas to middle-sized cities and added the initials “EP”, for “Ejército del Pueblo” or “People’s Army”, to the organization’s name. In May 1984 the organization presented its aims to take over the rule in Colombia by the 1990’s. Same year a cease-fire was signed with the government of Belisario Betancourt (“Cease-Fire, Truce, and Peace Agreements”, also known as the “La Uribe Agreements”). Peace negotiations however failed due to battles between right- and left-wing extremist. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolutionary_Armed_Forces_of_Colombia)

In 1984 the FARC-EP decided to organize in a political wing, called the Patriotic Union. Disagreements though between civilian’s movement members in the Patriotic Union and the FARC-EP members resulted in an inability to act and the disappearance of 2000 to 4000 of its members. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolutionary_Armed_Forces_of_Colombia)

Peace negotiations held between 1990 and 1998 led to the demobilization of some of the guerilla groups in Colombia, although not the FARC-EP. The organization suffered an army led attack in the end of the 1990’s despite ongoing peace negotiations with the government, claimed to be motivated by the organizations lack of engagement in the peace process. War continued and the peace talks were to be abandoned in 1993 due to lack of agreement. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolutionary_Armed_Forces_of_Colombia)

A new attempt on peace settlement was brought 1999 by the election of Andrés Pastrana, son of 1970’s former president Misael Pastrana. The president granted a safe haven to the guerilla as this was one of the FARC-EPs demands for continued peace talks. But yet again the peace talks were to end, this time due to suspicion of criminal activities committed under the security of the safe haven. FARC-EP was said to be responsible for terrorist actions including hijacking a plane, making bombs and kidnapping political figures. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revolutionary_Armed_Forces_of_Colombia)

Since 2004 when Álvaro Uribe took office and launched a vicious counterstrike against the guerilla, FARC-EP suffered massive loss of members not only due to the fighting but also through capture and desertion of members. Uribe has a personal attachment to the conflict caused by his father being killed by the guerilla in 1983 during an attempted kidnapping. The FARC-EP has also launched a large scale mortar attack on the Presidential Palace 2002 while Uribe was being initiated. All peace talks have now been abandoned. (http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/farc.htm)

The FARC-EP funds itself mostly through kidnapping of political as civilian persons and taxation of illegal drug trade. It’s estimated to hold 40 percent of the Colombian territory. The organization is a violent non-state actor classified by many countries as a terrorist group, among them the Colombian government, the United States Department of State, the Canadian government as the European Union. Countries less hostile towards the FARC-EP include the Venezuelan government, as the Bolivian and the Ecuadorian governments. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/FARC) The Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez has for example acted as an intermediary in a “humanitarian exchange” of FARC-held hostages for FARC prisoners in Colombian jails in 2007. (http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/farc.htm)

FARC-EP has as for now no homepage after their last one, active to august 2009, become disabled by the German – Swiss host. (http://colombiareports.com/colombia-news/news/5524-farc-website-taken-off-air.html) Being identified as a terror group by the European Union and other western and pro- western countries makes an official websites hard to realize. It’s therefore more than obvious that contact information is a laughter-provoking impossibility.

Due to the ideological nature of the conflict one have to bear in mind that all the references presented above are highly questionable as to who did what to whom and if so, why. All acts are interpreted differently depending on the interpreter; this of course excludes the existence of facts.

Greenpeace

Anna Gustafsson April 14th, 2010

Greenpeace is a non-violent direct action organization. They are using tactics such as demonstrations, blockades and interference. Their main goal is to preserve the environment and do what they can to preserve and keep  peace. According to their website they are an independent organization and accept no donations from political parties, governments or companies. The reason for this is mainly tactical since they want to keep their independence and be able to act without any partial interference.

Greenpeace was founded in 1971 in Canada under the name “Don’t Start a Wave Committee”. They started by protesting against an underwater nuclear testing outside Alaska but soon expanded their goals. They changed the name to “Greenpeace” since it represented their new goals in a better way.Greenpeace is an open organization that welcomes anyone and encourages in different ways how we all can participate. They believe that if we all participate in a small way it will result in a great change. This is an organization that uses demonstrations to start debates and raise awareness in the society. Greenpeace are depending on volunteers for their actions.

In June 2008 a Swedish fishing vessel vere prevented departure by Greenpeace activists. They claimed that this vessel was fishing illegally in West Sahara. Greenpeace had activists in rib-boats and blocked the pier. This action led to an investigation under Swedish law[1]. Another action led by Greenpeace took place in March when activists lit up one of the Swedish nuclear power stations (Ringhals) with the text “Unnecessary, Expensive and Unsafe”[2]. The aim with this action was that Sweden should shut down our nuclear power stations for once. This is a goal that Greenpeace are fighting for and this is a good example of their non-violent actions. Another good example of what Greenpeace stands for is their action in The Cattegat where they placed tons of stones that would make it impossible for fishermen to fish[3]. There are since 2002 forbidden by law to fish in this area and Greenpeace showed that they were doing this to make it impossible for illegal fishing to occur.  All of these actions have been observed by media which is a good opportunity for Greenpeace to start a debate.

On their website they have made their own games which are a funny and clever way of making an interaction with the visitor. One of the games is based on whaling where the player is the activist who prevents the whaler to shoot by going in front of the whaling boat. This is a good way of showing perhaps future activists what Greenpeace stands for.

Anna Gustafsson

http://www.greenpeace.org/international/

http://www.greenpeace.org/international/fungames


[1] http://www.mynewsdesk.com/se/view/pressrelease/greenpeace-hindrar-svenska-pirater-i-goeteborgs-hamn-221553

[2] http://hallandsposten.se/nyheter/halland/1.761408-greenpeace-lyste-upp-ringhals

[3] http://www.aftonbladet.se/nyheter/article5627114.ab

Rättvisemärkt – resistance or not?

Sanna Strom April 14th, 2010

My report is about the Swedish part of the fair trade; Rättvisemärkt, which, for me as an ambassador of the certification, is interesting to examine with power and resistance as a starting point. Moreover the issue of my report is if Rättvisemärkt could to be seen as a resistance organization.

What speaks against this categorization is that the company-part of the organization is owned by large Swedish operators; LO and Svenska Kyrkan. Also because Rättvisemärkt operates according to the world trade system. But then tries to be an alternative, as to the well-known resistance tactic; being the change you want to see. Rättvisemärkt as a resistance actor is needed to bee seen in a global context, as equitable resistance with the southern poor. Or is this to oversee the bad side of their methods, to contribute to the world trade system? This is questions I will investigate in my report.

Dalit Bahujan Front- The struggle for a caste-free India

Micaela Rosberg April 8th, 2010

The Indian society has come to experience an enormous economic development the last decades where the middle class has grown bigger and improved the livelihood for thousands of people. At the same time the extreme level of poverty and deprivation remains high as the cultural beliefs of the Hindu religion is deeply rooted in the societal structure and keeps people in a social hierarchical, where the Dalits, also known as the untouchables, are found in the bottom of this social stratum. These people have come to suffer from severe social, economic and political deprivation for centuries and been neglected the opportunities to live in accordance with their basic human needs. Despite the abolishment of the caste system in 1950’s the Indian government has failed severely to implement policies and land reforms that will work beneficial for the Dalits. This has come to be a key issue to many Dalits who have decided to take action on their own and thereby coming together and creating movements with the aim of improving their rights to land as well as other basic needs they have been denied.
The Dalit Bahujan Front is one of these movements and originates from Andhra Pradesh in the southeast of India, but is today found in 18 districts and engages as many as 800 activists. Within this socio-political organization one can find Dalit intellectuals and activists who’s aim is to create equal opportunities for the Dalits in terms of identity, security and livelihood which according to their can be achieved through improved access to budget, land and political participation. (Dalit Bahujan Front,120507)
Their main strategies of achieving their objectives has been through demonstrations, rallies and other forms of peaceful demands to the government to put more emphasize in terms of resources, policies and other forms of development schemes that would work beneficial for the marginalized Dalits.
The Dalit Bahujan Front originates from an anti-caste movement which started to take form in the 19th century with Jyotiba Phule as its initiator. His aim was to challenge the oppressive Brahaman nationalism as they were expanding and posing an even greater threat to the already marginalized Dalits. It is here possible to trace the influential effect the colonization of India had in terms of the non-caste European Christian the British brought, as it came to influence the epistemological discourse of the anti-caste movement who wanted to break free from the oppressive caste system in which the Dalits experienced socio-economic and cultural deprivation. (Ghanshyam Shah, 2001, Dalit Idenity and politics) In 1920 this movement was known as the non-Brahmanism movement in Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra, and was further embraced by the historic and influencial leader Dr. Ambedkar who fully embraced Marxism as the ‘totalistic and unified theory of change’. ( Shah, Dalit Identity and Politics, page 145).
If looking to the historic development of the Dalit Bahujan Front one can see that they have had the characteristics of a ‘Revolutionary movement’ with the focal aims of changing the societal structure of India in order to give improved rights to the Dalits by putting an end to the oppressive caste system. However, it is today evident that the contemporary movement of Dalit Bahujan Front have not succeeded to the extent it was hoped for. Therefore they could rather be defined as a ‘Reformistic movement’ which has brought the anti-caste issues to the political agenda. But still there is a long way to go in order to achieve a caste-free society where discrimination and deprivation against the Dalits will be perished.

Sources:
Ghanshyam Shah, 2001, Dalit Idenity and politics,
Dalit Bahujan Front, Blogspot,
(http://dalitbahujanfront.blogspot.com/2007/05/join-hands-with-dalita-bahujana-samara.html

The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)

Lucinda Andersson April 4th, 2010

In 1986 a woman named Alice Lakwena from the Acholi people in Uganda established a resistance movement, based on the believes of the Holy Spirit of God. Lakwena herself claimed to be the prophet, receiving holy messages from The Holy Spirit. She was convinced the Acholi people could overthrow the gorvernment in Uganda run by Museveni, who had treatened her people so bad, by using the witchcraft and spiritualism embedded in their culture. According to her messages from God, her followers could avoid get to hit by bullets by covering their bodys in shea nut oil, by doing so they would never have to retreat or take cover in battle. Lakwena and her soldiers won several important battles and started to march towards Kampala, but did not succeed to conquer the capital city. Meanwhile, another mythical leader made his entrance, his name was Joseph Koney, a man who was said to be possessed by spririts. Joseph Koney founded the Lord‘s Resistance Army which became the successor of the Holy Spirit Movement, and has been it’s constant leader ever since. Lakwena, who fled the country in 1997, has later critizised Koney openly, arguing that the Holy Spirit does not want them to kill civilians or prioners of war. Koney’s milisia the LRA has been known to the world to be one of the most brutal, famous for massacres on civilians, kidnaps, rapes and the use of child soldiers and sex slaves. The Ugandan government claims the guerilla has only between 500 and 1000 soldiers, other sourses have estimate they are as many as 3000 soldiers, along with around 1500 women and children. From the beginning the LRA were operating in the northern parts of Uganda, but have been pushed out from the country and are now operating mainley from Sudan, the Central Africa Rebublic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
During the 23 years the LRA have been active, they are estameted to have forced more than 20 000 children, boys and girls, to participate in combat. The civil war in Uganda, which is one of the longest present ongoing conflicts in Africa, has resultated in thousends of dead and injured, and a huge amount of refugees. Precently more than 1,2 million people are livning in the refugee camps in the northern parts of Uganda. The conflict has spread to the neighbouring states, causing panic and death among civilians in allready war-torn DRC. Recently the Human Rights Watch Published a report claiming at least 321 were killed in a LRA lead massacre in the Haut-Uele-distrikt in north east of DRC. During the event, wich took part between the 14 and 17 of december 2009, at least 250 civilas were captured, of who at least 80 were children.

There are dissagreements over what the aim of LRA’s struggle is. According to themselfs, their aim is to overthrow the Ugandan government and replace it with goverance based of the Ten Commandments of the Bible.

“Lord’s Resistance Army is just the name of the movement, because we are fighting in the name of God. God is the one helping us in the bush. That’s why we created this name, Lord’s Resistance Army. And people always ask us, are we fighting for the [biblical] Ten Commandments of God. That is true – because the Ten Commandments of God is the constitution that God has given to the people of the world. All people. If you go to the constitution, nobody will accept people who steal, nobody could accept to go and take somebody’s wife, nobody could accept to innocently kill, or whatever. The Ten Commandments carries all this.” said Vincent Otti, one of the leaders of LRA in an interview with IRIN. (Aswers.com 2010-04-04)

Some argue they are a nationalistic movement fighting for the rights of the Acholi people, which can be difficult to believe for some, since they have largely abused and killed their own people. Others argue they have bigger idological aims with their resistance, such as to remove dictatorship and establish democracy and equal rights to all people of Uganda. The common belief, especially among world rulers and diplomats seems to be that the LRA have no political aim what so ever, that they are just christian fundamentalist, crazy people, enjoying terrorising their own people. “The LRA has no political program or ideology, at least none that the local population has heard or can understand.” wrote Robert Gersony in a report funder by the Embassy of the United States in Kampala in 1997 (Aswers.com 2010-04-04).

In 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrents against the five leaders of LRA; Joseph Kony, Vincent Otti, Raska Lukwiya, Okot Odhiambo and Dominic Ongwen. They were charged with crimes against humanity and war crimes, including murder, rape, sexual slavery and enlisting of children as combants. At least two of the leaders have been killed since then; Lukwiya in 2006 and Otti in 2007 and there has been rumors saying Odhiambo were killed in 2008, but none have been put into trial.

The opinions differ abort the goals of the LRA, what we do know is that many people have been tortured and killed, tens of thousends of children have been captured, brainwashed and used as soldiers and sexslaves, or to be sold to warlords in exchange of weapons. But the questions remins: What are they fighting for? What makes people use such brutal metothods? And how can they ever claim that their goals justify their means? Or can they?

Referenses:

http://www.answers.com/topic/lord-s-resistance-army

http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/lra.htm

http://www.dn.se/nyheter/varlden/minst-300-doda-i-okand-massaker-1.1069040

http://www.fria.nu/artikel/1119

http://www.ne.se/uganda/2004?i_h_word=herrens+motst%C3%A5ndsarm%C3%A9

http://sverigesradio.se/sida/gruppsida.aspx?programid=3304&grupp=6673&artikel=375493

Picture from: http://www.stokenewingtonquakers.org.uk/LRA.jpg

Kravallslöjd

Sanna Strom April 2nd, 2010

Kravallslöjd är Sveriges största slöjdcommunity och hantverkssportal som bildades i april 2007. Framförallt verkar kravallslöjd via hemsidan; www.kravallslojd.se där medlemmar lägger upp bilder och diskuterar det skapade. Men det anordnas även workshops och recenseras syevenemang. Kravallslöjd är religiöst och partipolitiskt obundet och verksamheten bedrivs ideellt. Syftet är att verka för öppen debatt och att bidra till att skapa nya idéer inom hantverk, detta för att fördjupa hantverkets samhällsbetydelse. (Kravallslöjd, 2010)

Kravallslöjd uttrycker inte att verksamheten är motstånd, även om de enskilda medlemmarna kan betrakta det de skapar som motstånd. Sett utifrån kan portalen därför te sig som en syförening i traditionell bemärkelse, fast i nytt forum. Enligt Lilja & Vinthagens definition av motstånd behöver aktören dock inte själv betrakta sitt agerande som motstånd (Lilja & Vinthagen, 2009). Kravallslöjds praktiska reformerande av hantverk kan i förlängningen anses bidra till motstånd, som en del av craftivismrörelsen. Ett intressant aktionssätt då det utvecklar handarbete som uttryckssätt till någonting helt nytt; från att främst ha pågått i den privata sfären till att bli någonting offentligt och politikt.

Ordet craftivism skapades 2003 av Betsy Greer och härstammar från orden “craft” och “activism”. Betsy Greer definerar craftivism såhär:

Craftivism is a way of looking at life where voicing opinions through creativity makes your voice stronger, your compassion deeper & your quest for justice more infinite.” (Greer, 2008)

Craftivist rörelsen som helhet förknippas ofta med anti-kapitalism, ekologism och tredje generationens feminism. Craftivism är motstånd i form av att själv skapa den förändring man vill uppnå, särskilt kopplat till dessa värderingar är Do-It-Yourself (DIY) rörelsen med starka anti-kapitalistiska värderingar. Kopplingen till miljömedvetenhet går via ideal som; återanvändning och hållbarhet. Craftivism utifrån feministiskt perspektiv, har återupptagit hantverk, som ett politiskt uttryckssätt. Hantverk som varit mycket omdiskuterade och känsloladdad, exempelvis inom Grupp 8 under 70-talets kvinnokamp, detta pågrund av historiska kopplingen till traditionella kvinnoroller och tankar om förspilld kvinnokraft. (Waldén & Lennerstad, i Syjuntan, 2010)

Källor:

www.kravallslojd.se

Louise Waldén, kvinnohistoriker; My Lennerstad, bloggare; http://slojdmanifesto.blogspot.com/ i Syjuntan, Klippan, Sveriges Radio, 11/1 2010 http://sverigesradio.se/sida/default.aspx?programid=3674

Lilja, Mona & Vinthagen, Stellan, 2009, Motstånd, Liber förlag

Greer, Betsy, 2008, Knit For Good! Boston: Trumpeter.

Empowerment

Ellen Konneback April 2nd, 2010

Empowerment är ett begrepp som idag tillämpas i många olika sammanhang och har flera definitioner. Första formuleringen kommer från 1960-talets afro-amerikanska radikala rörelser och under de senaste 20 åren har användningen av ordet ökat (Erwér 2001:236-237).


“Empowerment är en princip som tillämpas i feministisk terapi och undervisning för att stärka individens möjlighet att bli mer självständig, kunna formulera sina egna mål och ta makt över sitt eget liv.” (http://www.ne.se/empowerment)


Begreppet används även gällande andra utsatta grupper som lever under något slags förtryck. Empowerment kan ses som ett sätt att få makt. Det handlar inte om att få makt över någon annan utan snarare om att bygga upp en ”inre” styrka. Den definitionen används t ex inom feminism. Empowerment ses som en process i att höja självförtroendet för att öka möjligheten att påverka sin egen situation, nå mer självbestämmande och stärka sin ställning som kvinna (Lilja och Vinthagen 2009, s. 56-57). Självförtroende och värdighet är viktiga delar inom empowerment och bl a Rowlands betonar de inre aspekterna i empowerment. Även att förändringen får konsekvenser i praktiken finns med i begreppets betydelse (Motstånd 2009, s. 54. Erwér 2001:246).


Empowerment är enligt Monica Erwér processer som kommer underifrån, från civilsamhället, och inifrån en grupp och/eller individ. Ingen kan utifrån ge empowerment utan empowerment är någonting som de berörda själva måste skapa. Kabeer menar att kärnan i empowerment är förmågan att göra val. Enligt Batliwala innebär empowerment främst handlingsförmåga, en förändrad självbild och medvetenhet (Erwér 2001:243, 247). För att uppnå medvetenhet måste empowerment även innefatta ifrågasättande av rådande ideologier och maktförhållanden (Motstånd 2009, s. 57).


Inom utvecklingsfrågor är empowerment ett centralt begrepp. Tillsammans med produktivitet, jämlikhet och hållbarhet diskuteras empowerment som en av de viktigaste faktorerna för mänsklig utveckling. En av de vanligaste modellerna som används vid tillämpning av empowerment är Women’s Empowerment Framework. Den formulerades av Longwe 1990 och bygger på fem nivåer: välfärd, tillgång, medvetandehöjande, deltagande och kontroll (Erwér 2001:237, 244). Något som de flesta menar är att empowerment till största delen handlar om att förbättra levnadsvillkoren för utsatta samt att få en hållbar förändring. (Motstånd 2009, s. 57)


 

Erwér, Monica (2001) ”Empowerment – en fråga om genus, makt och social transformation” i Eriksson och Hettne et. al. (red) Makt och internationella relationer. Studentlitteratur, Lund.

Lilja, Mona och Vinthagen, Stellan (2009) Motstånd, Liber förlag.

Nationalencyklopedin, 2010-03-09 http://www.ne.se/empowerment

Gerilla

Sanna Strom March 31st, 2010

Gerilla härstammar från spanskans guerrilla som betyder ”litet krig” (Peralta i Lilja & Vinthagen, 2009, s. 155). Gerilla är en organiserad gräsrotsrörelse, eller trupp som bedriver politisk mobilisering och väpnad kamp, ofta i mindre trupper gentemot regim. Idag talar man om gerilla i både urbana och rurala områden, men begreppet uppkom under 1800-talets Napoleon krig, då det spanska folket på landsbygden bedrev väpnad kamp efter att den spanska militären fallit. Gerillans stridsföring bygger på överraskningsmoment.

Begreppet gerilla förknippas ofta med begreppen terrorism och revolution. Definitionen av terrorism är utförandet av politiska våldshandlingar i syfte att påverka samhället utan hänsyn till om oskyldiga drabbas (NE, 2010). Terrorism kan vara en metod hos gerillan, men begreppen bör särskiljas då man inte kan anta att så är fallet. Revolution kan kopplas till gerillarörelserna då syftet generellt sätt är social förändring. Denna koppling går också att spåra historiskt till Mao, Lenin och Guevara, vilka använde sig av gerillametoder i revolutionära syften. Mao och Clausewitz kom att anse gerillan som ”den svages sätt att kämpa mot den starke och på lång sikt segra”. Enligt Peralta ansåg de latinamerikanska gerillorna det nödvändigt att rasera den gamla statsapparaten för att reformera samhället. (Peralta, 1990, s. 53, 110-112; Peralta, 2009, i Lilja och Vinthagen, s.155, s. 157) Den urbana gerillan anses kunna verka under mindre folkligt stöd och kan då oftare förknippas med terrorister (Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice). Med post-modern gerilla avses de grupper som endast använder vapen till försvar.

Huntington anser att gerillakrigföring alltid ett andrahandsalternativ, då reguljär krigföring inte är möjlig och enligt NE är gerillakrigsföring alltid avsedd som övergång till reguljär krigföring. Enligt Peralta kan gerilla endast uppstå och verka i auktoritära samhällen (Huntington, 1962 i Kalyanaraman, 2003; NE, 2010; Peralta i Lilja & Vinthagen, 2009, s. 157)

Källor:

A. Peralta, ur: Motstånd, Lilja & Vinthagen, 2009, Liber förlag

Nationalencyklopedin

http://www.ne.se.

Encyclopedia of Activism and Social Justice

http://www.sage-ereference.com.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/activism/Article_n889.html?searchQuery=quickSearch%3DGuerilla

S. Kalyanaraman, 2003, Conceptualisation of Guerrilla Warfare http://www.ciaonet.org.ezproxy.ub.gu.se/olj/sa/sa_apr03/sa_apr03kas01.html

Mujeres contra el TLC – Women against CAFTA

Nathalie Dahnsdotter March 30th, 2010

”The United States-Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) eliminates barriers to trade and investment among the seven signatories: Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the United States. The agreement opens new commercial opportunities for U.S. companies and U.S. operations of foreign companies with these Central American and Caribbean countries. CAFTA also enhances those countries’ access to the U.S. markets and establishes common regulatory and environmental standards” (http://www.caftaintelligencecenter.com/) is the definition of the free trade agreement from the CAFTA intelligence center webpage wich is supposed to bring fair trade agreements to the countries in Central America. Although this may sound like a positive change to the global trade environment some people are not as positive about CAFTA and the promises and that were expected but never introduced to the people, especially the poor and lokal peasantry. As the majority of the Central Americas inhabitants are peasants or holders of small scale businesses they are now exposed as a result of CAFTA to a large amount of competition from the large scale farmers and businesses of the USA and the subsidiaries attatched to those (www.halkjaer.se/latinamerika/annu-ett-frihandelsavtal/).

Women against CAFTA as a movement apeared in September 2007 as a response to CAFTAs failure to improve the life and work of the disadvantaged in the countries of Central America. The women of Mujeres contra el TLC demonstrate their dissatisfaction towards CAFTA trough ” The Banner of Dreams” wich is a banner made of different colorful patches of cloth with marks of rejection trough writing and painting wich travel across Central America. ”The Banner of Dreams” is therefore a non-violent way of resistance towards the imposition of neoliberal politics wich only benefit people in private businesses and rarely the ones that would need to benefit from a fair trade agreement. ”This politics affects women, responsible for the reproduction and care of life on Earth, particularly deeply. It endangers our Social State of Law, which, although far from perfect, has allowed us to survive in better conditions than our fellow Central American sisters” (www.bilaterals.org)

The struggle is therefore not only towards CAFTA but the unjust neoliberal politics as a whole, “Mujeres del NO” was the name of a daily programme on the radio in Costa Rica wich was another way of fighting against those who oppose the imposition of neoliberal politics, in theese radio programmes the voices of many women from different backgrounds becomes the resistance and struggle towards the politics of the common good. As over half of the ones who voted against CAFTA were women theese women uphold that as feminists they have always opposed the exploitation and discrimination against women and the people who are less powerful or to the natural resources of the world. The women of ”Women against CAFTA” insist ”that the laws required to implement CAFTA will not be negotiated only in Congress. They must be negotiated by all who have worked hard to make Costa Rica a democracy.”(www.bilaterals.org)

I think ”The Banner of Dreams” is a very interesting and creative way of getting the words out and dissatisfaction regarding CAFTA and the injustice following the neoliberal politics in the world. Mujeres contra el TLC gather women all over Central America, encourage them to join the battle against injustice and make womens position on the global arena an equal arena where women can understand their position and improve it. As they connect their lokal workshop and struggle to other international peace and equality organisations and movements the struggle holds a greater width wich makes the Mujeres contra el TLC and the feminist agenda a global cause and assembly of womens movements.

The Women against CAFTA or Mujeres contra el TLC can be found trough their website (only in spanish) http://mujerescontraeltlc.blogspot.com/ , a blog wich present the works of the movement since its origin in 2007.

References

http://www.bilaterals.org/article.php3?id_article=15281&lang=en

http://www.caftaintelligencecenter.com/

http://www.halkjaer.se/latinamerika/annu-ett-frihandelsavtal/

 http://mujerescontraeltlc.blogspot.com/

Bosozoku – The Tip of an Iceberg

Olof Sandell March 27th, 2010

What I found most striking during my year in Japan was how homogenous the culture is compared to anything I’ve seen before. There is a certain way of behaving and a set of morals that stretches far out into the limbs of society. There is no question about how one is supposed to dress and behave in order to be ”good japanese”. Young children are taught from early on how to be polite, to have great respect for authorities and to be diligent .

Of course in a society so strictly normative there are those who challenge the norm. One way of doing so is by dressing up in kamikaze uniforms and riding a mufflerless ultra modified motorbike while ignoring red lights and speed limits. This is precisely what the (anti) social movement called ”bosozoku” or in English ”speed tribes” is all about. It’s a movement that first could be seen in the mid 50s and used to be called ”thunder tribes” because of the loud engine noise. Ethnologist Ikuya Sato theorizes that the movement was originally composed of ex kamikaze pilots that didn’t conduct their suicide mission before the war ended, and who longed for the thrill of living on the verge of death (1991). He also points out that the inspiration was drawn from American pop culture with their rebellious icons such as Marlon Brando.

The term bosozoku was coined by a local television station in Nagoya while reporting about a gang fight involving bikers in 1972. The media attention inspired many teenagers who were sick of the school system and were seeking thrills in their lives. Sato argues that the media played an important role in the raise of the movement and also in making it’s members into ”folk devils” in the eyes of the public. They also became a very loud and colorful symbol of the increasing confusion and feeling of emptiness that plagued the young generation.

The movement had it’s peak in the 80s with a lot of gangs fighting each other and sometimes even killing. Later they became a major recruiting ground for the Yakuza, the japanese mafia. This led to an increasing police attention that eventually became very effective in dissolving the movement and for the last few years it has been practically dead. There are now laws with the purpuse of preventing these types of gangs. It’s for example prohibited for motorbike riders to ride in groups larger than two people.

There is no doubt that many people are happy to be rid of the loud and violent bosozoku gangs, but is the problem really solved? I would argue that rather the opposite is the case. The bosozoku were merely a symptom of a much more concerning issue in the Japanese society: many young people are desperately trying to cope with a society that is becoming increasingly competitive and successdriven. Even though public crime and violence is efficiently avoided, Japan is probably one of the safest countries on earth, the less noticable counterparts are all the more common. Japan has for example one of the highest suicide rates in the world and it’s not unusual for school children to be overwhelmed by pressure and not beeing able to leave their house. In order to change this trend it’s going to take more than cleaning up the streets and making things look good on the outside.

Sato, Ikuya (1991), Kamikaze Biker: Parody and Anomy in Affluent Japan, London: The University of Chicago Press

Morris, Jamie (2007), The sun sets on the heydays of ‘bosozoku’ bikers. Japan Today. Downloaded from: http://www.freewebs.com/bosozokubikes/articles.htm, 2010-03-26

The AdBusters Media Foundation

Sigrid Olsson March 24th, 2010

Website: www.adbusters.org

Information: info@adbusters.org

Network mailing list: https://www.adbusters.org/network/joinus

Adbusters was founded in 1989 Vancouver, Canada by Kalle Lasn and Bill Schmalz, and is originally called Adbusters Media Foundation. Adbusters is a big world-wide network, organizing different people in several countries. The group profiles itself as a non-profit and anti-consumist organization and works with many different kind of actions which fight for making change in our modern age of information. Most famous of their projects could be their transforming of advertisements into political posters, known as subvertising or ”Culture jamming” Other things most people probably are familiar with could be the Buy-nothing-day and the Turn-off-TV-week, also organized by Adbusters. They also distribute the activist magazine Adbusters which has 120.000 readers all over the world.

A short description of some of their on-going actions:

Culture jamming

A kind of social activism that is practised by taking already existing symbols, twisting and manipulating their messages into a different meaning. For example it can be with really well made logo-imitations or just by really simple changes of meaning.

   

The Buy nothing day

The buy-nothing day is a 24-hour happening aiming for non-consumption. In 2010 it will be taking place in november 27th, worldwide and it is easy to participate just by not shopping or consuming within that day. The date is set because it is about that time the christmas shopping-hysteria starts.

The blackspot sneaker

in the early 2000, Adbusters released a shoe collection made with hemp, vegan leather, recycled tires and fairtrade materials, as an experiment of so called ”grassroots capitalism”. After years of struggling against multinational megacorporations the project started as a way to practice ethical business. The brand blackspot i free for anyone to use, and the purpose is to let local economies get a chance. The shoes are made in so called ”ethical factories” in Portugal and Pakistan.

At this point the Adbusters also focus on our addiction to the digital world that we are living in with the Digital Deetox Week, which includes unplugging from the internet for a whole week.

The way of resistance that the Adbusters uses I found interesting, as some of their campaigns use already existing means to change messages. As we live in a commercial world, it is a fun strategy to just by adding, deleting and transforming certain details in advertisment reaching a whole new meaning in a society that always surrounds us with commersial intrests undepending on if we want it or not.

They are also using emotions to create reaction to their messages, by using irony and black humour in their twisted messages they make a new point of view for the big corporate logos and companies, pointing out the nasty parts of their business.

Adbusters have, by some critics, been accused of lacking focus on class, gender and race-issues and some say that the hype of the organization and their magazine in mainstream media is an approval of what they are doing is not radical enough.

References:

www.adbusters.org

www.bnd.org 

 Privatized resistance: Adbusters and the Culture of NeoLiberalism by Max Haiven  (The Review of Education, Pedagogy,and Cultural Studies, 29:85–110, 2007)

The White Rose

Jienny Julie March 24th, 2010

One day in 1942, during the Second World War, copies of a leaflet entitled “The White Rose” suddenly appeared in every corner of the University of Munich. The leaflet contained an anonymous essay about how the system, created by Hitler and the Nazis, slowly imprisoned the people of Germany. The Nazi regime had turned evil and that now was the time to stand up and resist the tyranny of the German government. At the bottom of the essay, there was a request that the one who read it would do as many copies of it they could and distribute them. But the story doesn’t start here, it started almost 8 years earlier…..

 It was in the 1930s in Germany, and the siblings Hans and Sophie Scholl were two teenagers who joined the Hitler youth with the common idea that Adolf Hitler was leading Germany towards something great. Their parents were not as enthusiastic as the two teenagers and their father, Robert Scholl, told them that Hitler was not leading the country to be great, that the regime would go down the road of destruction. Later in 1942, Robert Scholl would serve time in Nazi prison after telling his secretary “The war! It is already lost. This Hitler is God’s scourge on mankind, and if the war doesn’t end soon the Russians will be sitting in Berlin.”

 It didn’t take long before Hans and Sophie began to realize that their father was right, and realized that in the name of freedom Hitler was steering Germany towards a dark path. They also knew that an open dissent wouldn’t work; most Germans saw it as their duty to join and support the troops, when war breaks out, but also support the government. Hans and Sophie Scholl refused to support the Nazi regime, they believed that their duty as good Germans, were to stand up against an evil regime. The siblings shared their concern and thoughts with their close friends; Alexander Schmorell, Christoph Probst, Willi Graf and Kurt Huber, their psychology and philosophy professor.

 The White Rose leaflets were from many different contributors, the first one, which I mentioned in the beginning, was a sermon from a priest in the church that Hans and Sophie Scholl used to go. Altogether there were six white leaflets published, between 1942-1943, four under the title The White Rose and two under the title “Leaflets of the Resistance”.

 While people started to get the leaflets over mail, the gout of The White Rose had to be more and more careful and had to act cautiously. University of Hamburg began copying and distributing the white leaflets and copies began turning up in different parts of Germany, but now The White Rose didn’t just limit themselves with leaflets, Graffiti began to show up with large letters, saying ”DOWN WITH HITLER”, “HITLER THE MASSMURDERER” and so on.  The Gestapo was getting more angry for every day they didn’t caught the ones who was the brain behind The White Rose, but they knew that The White Rose´s headquarters had to be somewhere with large quantities of paper, postage and envelopes, Gestapo also knew that They used a duplicating machine and started to observe the places that had access to such a machine.

 The February 18 1943, Hans and Sophie Scholl was arrested, when they were caught leaving pamphlets at the University of Munich. Gestapo’s search provided them enough evidence to arrest Christoph Probst, and the three of them was found guilty for treason and was sentenced to death. The February 22, 1943 Sophie Scholl was the first one who was led to the guillotine, followed by Christoph Probst and last Hans Scholl.

 They were not the last to die from The White Rose, Alex Schomorell and the professor Kurt Huber was murdered in Munich-Stadelheim Prison on July 13, 1943 and Willi Graf was murder in Munich-Stadelheim almost six months later on October 12, 1943

I think this group is very interesting, because I among others often forget the other side of Germany during the Holocaust. The other sides of authors, artist, and poets; thinkers that resist the Nazi regime and did everything they could to provide the society with an alternate view of what was happening to their country. It’s interesting to read about a group so brave, trying to break the strong grip that Hitler had over Germany and rattle the cage. The things that they did during their active year, changed many people’s mind about who Hitler was and what he did actually was bad and not see him as a freedom fighter, they realized that he was a mass murderer who made his fight under the wrong flag.

Further readings:
http://www.shoaheducation.com/whiterose.html
http://www.ushmm.org/
http://www.gdw-berlin.de/index-e.php

Ofog – for a nuclear free and demilitarized world

Linnea Andersson March 23rd, 2010

Ofog is a Swedish network which struggles for a world free from nuclear weapons and a demilitarized world. The network was founded in spring 2002, after 35 Swedes had participated in a blockade in the United Kingdom, in February that year. The blockade was an initiative by Trident Ploughshares, an organization that received the “Right Livelihood Award” by the Swedish parliament in 2001. Activist from the Trident Ploughshares had been invited to Sweden before the blockade, to hold action training for the ones who were going to UK.  Some of the Swedes who participated in the blockade (and still were interested in these kinds of actions), met later in 2002 and after a few meetings Ofog “for a world without nuclear weapons”, was founded.[1]

The network is politically and religiously unbound. Ofog is not an organization in formal ways, but a network in which anyone can act, provided that there actions is compatible with the guidelines that are formulated in Ofog’s platform.[2]

In 2006 the network decided to focus on Sweden’s part in the global militarism, such as the Swedish weapons export.[3] For example they arranged the “demobilization camp” Disarm (“avrusta” in Swedish), in Karlskoga in the summers 2007 and 2008.[4] Disarm is a campaign, which is a part of Ofog. The campaign was formed to spread information about the Swedish weapons export, to influence politicians and the public opinion, and to begin a disarming of the Swedish weapons through peaceful direct action.[5] Disarm started an appeal for a peaceful disarming of the Swedish weapon export, which, among others, Desmond Tutu has signed.

Even though Ofog works in many different ways, their main form of action is through civil disobedience,[6] which explains their choice of name:

”’Ofog’ literally translates into ‘mischief’. But ofog is also a play with words. ‘Foga’ is a Swedish verb meaning to conform, to obey. But in Swedish, if you put an O before a word, you turn it into its opposite. ‘Foga’ also means, roughly, fixating things together in a decided and unchangeable form, so in this meaning of the word, when we put the O before, this is an allusion to our function as a flexible, dynamic network.” (Ofog.org)[7]

By civil obedience one means to break a law, tradition or an order, with a political purpose and to do so in the open and without violence. The network hasn’t done any joint statement about the choice of action through civil obedience, but believes that everyone has their one reason to work together with them[8] and to make resistance through direct action.

With time, Ofog has widened their interests (for example by focusing on the weapon export) and since January 2007 they officially changed their name “Ofog – for a nuclear free and demilitarized world”.

How or if you support civil obedience often depends on your social outlook, it’s often an effective way to get attention but the activities are sometimes illegal. Sweden’s governmental investigations (Statens Offentliga Utredningar), concluded that civil obedience “may contribute to strengthen both the welfare state as the democracy”.[9] In contrast to this view, Sweden’s Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt advocates (together with other authors) in the book Stenen i handen på den starke (1995), that civil obedience has detrimental effects on the democracy.[10]

In my opinion, this is probably the only “fair” way to make resistance and to show your disapproval with the weapon industry. It would be quite a contradiction to use political violence in order to counteract weapons and thus also violence, at least in a democracy as Sweden. What’s most important for this kind of activism, I think, is to manage to draw attention to the struggle. And that’s often a problem with these kinds of networks and/or organizations, that civil obedience isn’t enough as a form of resistance. Members from Ofog has been mentioned in the press when they have been arrested or brought before the court, which probably gives some people a quite negative picture of their activities. But I believe it’s an important question to shed light on, that Sweden has such a great part in the world supply of weapons that are being used in warfare, genocide and so on.


[1] Ofog.org/bakgrund

[2] Sv.wikipeida.org.wiki/Ofog

[3] Ofog.org/bakgrund

[4] Sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ofog

[5] Ofog.org/node/1255

[6] Ofog.org/civil-olydnad

[7] Ofog.org/english#actions

[8] Ofog.org/civil-olydnad

[9] SOU 99:101 – ”Olydiga medborgare, utreder civil olydnad” 2009.

[10] Sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_olydnad

What makes a movement successful?

Olof Sandell March 22nd, 2010

I’ve looked at Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in an attempt to understand which are the keys to their success. MST is the largest social movement in Latin America. Since the beginning of the 80s the movement have spread throughout Brazil, occupying unused estates and established small communities farming the land.

Ever since Brazil was formed by the Portugease in the 16th century, the distribution of land ownership has been severely unequeal and over the last decades the landless movement has decided that enough is enough and taken action to pressure the authorities for a thorough land reform. This goal has not yet been achieved despite that the MST friendly Worker´s Party has been running the country for the last seven years. However, the movement has been very successful in bypassing the authorities and established their own sub society.

How have they managed to carry on despite periods of harsh political climate when others have faded away? In trying to answer this I have looked at a few different movement theories to see in what areas MST is unique. What sets the landless movement apart from other movements in Brazil that also emerged in the 80s is in particual its use of strategy, namely land occupation. Not only is this a way to be less dependent on authority and political cimate, it’s also a way to get rid of the so called “free rider” problem. The free rider problem means that whenever a typical movement achieves benefits for the society, its not merely the activists that benefit but the whole public, for example in the case of improving air quality in a city. This means that the average person is not very tempted to join a movement since one activist more or less won’t make that much of a difference plus he or she would benefit from any achievment anyway. In the case of MST however it’s the people that are actively protesting that are the most likely to reap the benefits.

Of course there are many other factors that contribute to the movements success such as grievance, political opportunity and organizational capacity. However these are not as likely to be uniquely big for the landless movement.

Subaltern

Sigrid Olsson March 15th, 2010

Subaltern is a relatively recent conception involving people outside social, geographical and political hegemonic power structures. The concept was, when it was used in the 1970´s, first refering to colonized people of South Asia, as a way trying to view colonization from a new perspective, from below, unlike the traditional way of refering from above. At this point, Marxists had already been observing colonisation from a proletarian point of view, but this was still from a western, eurocentric perspective. During the beginning of the 1980´s the concept developed into a criticism against the colonialism, and today the term is common within the so called Post-Colonial theory, frequently mentioned in several Humanistic subjects such as Sociology, History, Anthropology and also Literature. Still, the definition of Subaltern is contentius, and on the exact meaning there is still disagreement. Some theorists use the term generally looking at marginalized subordinated groups lacking social status, while others claim that the term should be used in a more specific way. One of the latter is Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, an Indian literary critic and theorist, author of the article ”Can the Subaltern Speak?”. Spivak is anxious about not referring to, for example, the entire working class as Subaltern, meaning that they could still make their voices heard, in contrary to the subaltern. She claims that a Subaltern never can express herself from her own perspective and that the voice of the subaltern constantly is shaped through a western perspective, preventing the subaltern from being actors or agents. The post-colonial thinker Homi Bhaba have in several of his essays asserted that the subaltern or the oppressed, in their opposition to the majority actually defines the majority. This, in turn, can make it possible for the subaltern to undermine the holders of the hegemonic power. Boaventura de Sousa Santos, author of the book Toward a New Legal Common Sense released in 2002, uses the term ”subaltern cosmopolitism”, referring to the struggle performed by marginalized people, against the neo-liberal hegemonic globalization and social exclusion.

References:

Loomba, Ania, Tankekraft förlag, 2008, Kolonialism/postkolonialism : en introduktion till ett forskningsfält – Kan den subalterna tala?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Subaltern_(postcolonialism)

Panopticon

Olof Sandell March 15th, 2010

”Panopticon” is composed of the greek word ”pan” meaning ”all”, and ”optikos” refering to ”sight”. The origin of the word is late 1700:s and an architect named Samuel Bentham. He constructed what he would call the ”Inspection House”. It was a prison building with round walls where all the cells were facing a central watchtower. The tower was constructed so that the watcher was able to see in all directions and could therefore overlook all the cells without leaving the tower. Moreover it was now possible for the prisoners to see if somebody was inside the tower or not so they could never know if they were watched. Bentham’s brother, the philosopher Jeremy Bentham wrote 22 letters in which he promoted the construction as a solution to all kinds of problems in society and as a new way of gaining power over mind. He was the one that called the construction panopticon. Panopticon didn’t become the success one had hoped for but it came to influence society in other ways later in history.

In his book ”Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison” (1975), the French philosopher Michael Foucault wrote about how the panopticon can be seen as a theoretical model to describe power relations everywhere in society. As an example he gave the classroom where the gazing eye of the teacher constantly keeps the students disciplined, the household where the wife is keeping an eye on her husband and so forth. Foucault’s theoretical model of panopticon has since became the foundation for surveillance studies allthough this is regarded as problematic by some.

Jerome E Dobson and Peter F Fisher argues that the term panopticon has become all too theorized and therefore serves as a distraction from the surveillance society that is taking shape in the real world. They suggest that the word should be used in it’s original sense, namely as a ”technical construction with the purpose of controlling and disciplining people. They call Bentham’s prison building ”Panopticon I”, the surveillance camera ”Panopticon II”, and the recent human tracking technology ”Panopticon III” (2007)

Bentham, J. [1787] 1995. The Panopticon Writings. Edited by M. Bozovic. London: Verso Books.

Foucault, M. 1995. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Translated by A. Sheridan. 2nd ed. New York: Vintage Books.

Dobson, Jerome E.; Fisher, Peter F.. Geographical Review, Jul2007, Vol. 97 Issue 3, p307-323

A short introduction to the subject Power

Anna Gustafsson March 14th, 2010

I would like to start this text by saying that the subject power is an enormous subject and the aim with this text only is to shortly explain a couple of approaches of how to look at the subject itself. The goal is first of all to explain this without any further discussions or personal opinions.

You need two parties to be able to refer to power as power. One part, A, convinces the other part, B, to do something that B otherwise would not have done. It can be a dictator that uses threats, manipulation or violence to make the people do as he or she wants them to. It should not be forgotten that power relations also can occur on a day to day basis. It can be a mother or a father telling their child what or what not to do. These examples are at the very end of the extremity but this is just to show a variety and that if we open our eyes power can be everywhere. Depending on how you look at it, it can be a good thing or a bad thing and sometimes we are A and other times we are B. We should also open our eyes and realize that power does not necessarily have to be a bad thing as power also can be positive, productive and profitable. Michel Foucault is focusing on how power is being exercised rather then what power is. According to Foucault the human being is formed by the discourse and that it is within these discourses that behaviors are normalized and this is what he calls the “disciplinary power”. Hanna Arendt says that power is something that the citizens give to someone and it cannot be taken. If someone “takes” the power, the power turns into illegitimate power and therefore it is no longer power. This means that if A has gives B the power and a third part, C, wants this power and uses for example violence to take the power, C can never legitimize this type power and because of that it is no longer power.

We can divide theories of power into three different dimensions. The first dimension is the power relations in the public sphere, which means the relationships within politics and one of its spokesmen is Robert Dahl. The second dimension is represented by Bachrach and Baratz and they explore Dahls theories further and expand his theory by saying that there are two dimensions. One dimension which is the public sphere but that we also have to look at the private sphere and the power relations within. The third and final dimension is the unconscious sphere. Were we act without directly understand why and Steven Lukes is one of the representatives.

At the end of the day it is time that we open up our eyes and it is time that we look at power in different ways than what we are used to. We also have to see that power does not always  have to something bad; it can be a good experience as well as a fair relationship!

References:

Makt och Internationella Relationer, Leif Eriksson & Björn Hettne

Anarchism

San Jansson March 6th, 2010

An Anarchist is basically a socialist who emphasizes liberty and the the need to abolish the state. Anarchists wants to organize society horizontally in order to get rid of the exploitation of man by man. (Guerin. 1978, p.11) The word Anarchism ”is derived from two ancient Greek words, av (an), apxn (arkhe), and means something like the absence of authority or government” (Guerin. 1978, p.10)  The french anarchist/philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon who was the first person to call himself an anarchist wrote;

”Neither heredity, nor election, nor universal suffrage, nor the excellence of the sovereign, nor the consecration of religion and of time, can make royalty legitimate. Whatever form it takes, — monarchic, oligarchic, or democratic, — royalty, or the government of man by man, is illegitimate and absurd.” (Proudhon. 1970, p. 275)

Anarchists go in lots of different directions about anarchism. The theories vary on methods for social change and on other matters, but they all share some basic concepts. They all view the state, capitalism and class society as something problematic that we have to get rid of (through some kind of revolution) in order to create a good society. Many Anarchists also rejects religion. Michael Bakunin wrote the following in God and the state;

”God being truth, justice, goodness, beauty, power, and life, man is falsehood, iniquity, evil, ugliness, impotence, and death. God being master, man is the slave.” (Bakunin. 1995, p. 41)

The utopian society differs somewhat between different groups of anarchists but is usually seen as a society based on free associations often based in industrial production and agriculture. (Larsson. 1997, p. 90)  The methods for revolution vary from anarcho syndicalists who belive in general strike as the main tool for revolutionary change and more violent groups who belive in violent revolution, direct action against the state and individual terror against the oppressor, to anarchists who are pacifists. (Larsson. 1997, pp 87-88)   Some of the main directions within anarchism are Individual anarchism, Social anarchism (Libertarian socialism, Anarchist communism) Anarcha feminism, Green anarchism (Ecoanarchism) and Christian anarchism.

References:

Guerin D. 1978 Anarkismen Från lära till handling. Stockholm: Federativ – Originally published: 1965

Proudhon P.J. 1970 What is property. New York: Dover publications – Originally published: 1840

Bakunin M. 1995 Gud och staten. Stockholm: Federativ – Originally published: 1882

Larsson R. 1997 Politiska ideologier i vår tid. (6th rev. ed.) Lund: Studentlitteratur

Civil disobedience – democratic or not?

Malin Svensson February 23rd, 2010

Mahatma Gandhi was one of the first to campaign civil disobedience for the anti colonial freedom struggle in India. Civil disobedience is a type of political activism, where the main goal is to obtain social change through nonviolent forms of resistance, refusal to obey laws, governmental demands and so on. Other examples of civil disobedience are tree huggers that fight for the environment, vegans that releases cage chickens etc.
 

Some would say that civil disobedience is a benefit for representative democracies, and that it has contributed to democratic change around the world (Lilja & Vinthagen: 14f). 

 In his dissertation (2004), Tomas Månsson established a number of statements that support the thesis that “it is undemocratic to practise civil disobedience”, and one of them are the vote objection that implies that the activists of civil disobedience are against the vote principle.

Others argue, on the contrary, that civil disobedience is a democratic problem that could destroy democracy itself. Some of the opponents mean that the method of overriding the law whenever you want to is a threat to democracy (Månsson 2004:10ff).

 
Many theorists and authors have been either against or pro the actions of civil disobedience and there is no right or wrong in this matter. There are several examples that prove that the acts of civil disobedience have caused democratic change, both in history and the current situation.

 

References

Månsson, Tomas (2004)Olydnad – civil olydnad som demokratiskt problem. Stockholm:Thales.

Lilja, Mona & Vinthagen, Stellan (2007) The state of resistance studies.

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